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- <text id=89TT1609>
- <title>
- June 19, 1989: Communism:Defiance
- </title>
- <history>
- TIME--The Weekly Newsmagazine--1989
- June 19, 1989 Revolt Against Communism
- </history>
- <article>
- <source>Time Magazine</source>
- <hdr>
- COMMUNISM, Page 10
- COVER STORIES: Defiance
- </hdr><body>
- <p>By Strobe Talbott
- </p>
- <p> One man against an army. The power of the people versus the
- power of the gun. There he stood, implausibly resolute in his
- thin white shirt, an unknown Chinese man facing down a lumbering
- column of tanks. For a moment that will be long remembered, the
- lone man defined the struggle of China's citizens. "Why are you
- here?" he shouted at the silent steel hulk. "You have done
- nothing but create misery. My city is in chaos because of you."
- </p>
- <p> The brief encounter between the man and the tank captured
- an epochal event in the lives of 1.1 billion Chinese: the state
- clanking with menace, swiveling right and left with
- uncertainty, is halted in its tracks because the people got in
- its way, and because it got in theirs.
- </p>
- <p> Knowing something is not the same as watching it happen.
- There is nothing new in the proposition that Marxism is riven
- with contradictions as fatal to the system as they are brutal
- to its subjects. For decades critics of Communism have been
- saying that the party has no legitimacy; that its claims of
- representation are a tattered veil for its true function of
- repression; that for all their apparent obedience, passivity and
- discipline, many or even most of the populace are not just
- unhappy but deeply angry and increasingly overt in their
- defiance.
- </p>
- <p> Still, the seven-week-long student protest in Tiananmen
- Square hit with the impact of a revelation, especially since it
- coincided with a very different sort of democratization taking
- place in the Soviet Union and Eastern Europe. While the leaders
- of China dithered over what to do about the students' occupation
- of the political heart of the country, President Mikhail
- Gorbachev presided over the opening of a Congress whose members
- included purged former comrades, dissident intellectuals and
- outspoken non-Russian nationalists. In Poland the first
- halfway-open election in four decades produced a humiliating
- defeat for the Communist Party.
- </p>
- <p> Whether the men in power were resisting the forces of
- democracy in China or trying to harness those forces in the
- Soviet Union and Poland, they could not escape potent reminders
- of the most ominous and fundamental of all of Marxism's
- contradictions: the one between people power and the power that
- Mao Zedong said comes from the barrel of a gun.
- </p>
- <p> The unevenness of the match has always been obvious, and
- the outcome has been taken for granted. In a showdown between
- the rulers and the ruled, the rulers would have their way. After
- all, it was a well-established truism of the 20th century that
- a Communist regime is a military regime in disguise. The
- disguise came off in Hungary in 1956, in Czechoslovakia in 1968,
- in Poland in 1981 -- and in China last week.
- </p>
- <p> Still, history seemed to be deviating from its script. The
- trade union founded by a spunky electrician won the election in
- Poland, but the military seemed to stay in the barracks. The
- Soviet press blazoned news of violent ethnic unrest in
- Uzbekistan to a public it formerly kept in the dark about
- domestic strife. And even in China, where old men reverted to
- the only kind of power they knew, there was at least the phantom
- suggestion of tanks against tanks. But in the end, the name of
- the People's Liberation Army still turned out to be a cruel
- mockery.
- </p>
- <p> It was as though everyone, whatever his assigned role,
- understood the larger meaning of the drama. Something is
- happening in the Communist world, a revolt against the system.
- From the Baltic to the China Sea, people are straining against
- the confines of Communism, demanding a greater share in the
- world's riches and a fair share in their own governance.
- </p>
- <p> And so the unnatural act was the massacre on the square,
- not the peaceful democracy protests that preceded it. It was
- the party's attempt to reimpose order that brought chaos to the
- world's most populous nation.
- </p>
- <p> As the turmoil spread from Beijing to Shanghai to
- Guang-zhou to Xian to Chengdu, the shock waves reverberated
- throughout the Communist world. Publicly the Poles congratulated
- themselves on the contrast between their political
- accomplishments and the calamity unfolding in China. But
- privately many said they feared what they might yet have in
- common with the Chinese -- a system that has still to prove it
- can tolerate genuine democracy.
- </p>
- <p> In the Soviet Union, the latest outbreak of ethnic unrest
- in Uzbekistan was a reminder of what may be the operative
- difference between Deng Xiaoping's realm and Mikhail
- Gorbachev's: in the Middle Kingdom, things fall apart from the
- center outward, while in the U.S.S.R. it is the other way
- around. Both face a common challenge in devising ways to meet
- the demands of their citizens.
- </p>
- <p> It was a week that should concentrate the mind as never
- before on the real Communist threat: not conquest but collapse.
- Again the proposition is familiar, but the confirmation by
- events that it may be true has the shock of an epiphany.
- </p>
- <p> Throughout history, empires in their death throes have
- often caused as much trouble as when they were in the ascendant.
- What spasms of military desperation might accompany the
- crumbling of the Soviet bloc? What if some new Chinese warlord
- in a breakaway province ended up with a few of his country's
- nuclear-armed missiles?
- </p>
- <p> It has been almost a given among experts for some time that
- part of the challenge to the U.S. and its allies is to bring
- global Communism in its decline to a soft landing rather than
- let it crash and burn. American politicians and statesmen have
- understood as much, at least in theory. Ronald Reagan spoke of
- Marxism as "inherently unstable" and doomed. But in the policies
- that went with this confident rhetoric, he, like his
- predecessors, concentrated on the task of matching Communism's
- strength and deterring its expansion, not on the more subtle and
- relevant dilemma of coping with the consequences of its
- weakness, decay and retrenchment.
- </p>
- <p> George Bush seems to see the problem clearly. He has said
- that the industrialized democracies, led by the U.S., should
- move "beyond containment" and "integrate the Soviet Union into
- the world order." But he has spoken of that opportunity -- which
- is really an obligation -- in the future tense, as something we
- should think about now but do something about later, if current
- trends continue.
- </p>
- <p> The work of reinventing Communism belongs to a new
- generation of party leaders who must first grasp what much of
- the world already knows: that economic reform and political
- reform are impossible without each other. That generation,
- personified and led by Gorbachev, may have arrived at the
- pinnacle of power in the Soviet Union. In China it is still
- waiting for Deng Xiaoping and his fellow aged revolutionaries
- to accept the judgment of that lone, anonymous man in front of
- the tanks.
- </p>
- <p> Last week's message was that the trends have continued long
- and conclusively enough to put new and primary emphasis on the
- management of Communism's decline, perhaps its disintegration,
- certainly its transformation. We saw it coming. But that is
- different from seeing it happening, before our eyes.
- </p>
-
- </body></article>
- </text>
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